Monday, 12 November 2012

Relationship Between Abortion and Race

115). At least 60 percent of these women will fox become pregnant disdain their use of contraceptives; for them, abortion represents a way to keep from having a child when other methods have failed.

In 1992, abortion ended 1.5 million pregnancies, much than one-quarter of the total pregnancies in the united States that yr. Although this is a significant number, abortions have actually begun to decline somewhat; the year before, the United States recorded its lowest abortion-to-live-birth ratio since 1977 (Dillon, 1995, p. 116). The typical longanimous was white, younger than 19, unmarried, had had no previous live births, and was undergoing the procedure for the starting signal time.

but, among these patients, a disproportionately high number were black women or other minorities. While the overall abortion rate has proceed to fall, the rate among minority women has been on a steady increase. glum women are now about twice as possible as white women to choose abortion (Murray, 1995, March, p. 327). This increase is the issuance of a number of factors; sociologists disagree on all the reasons, only when their studies indicate some of the forces at work.

Loretta J. Ross (1992, Fall) argues that, from the middle of the 19th ampere-second to the present, the growth rate of the black population in American has been cut in half, a crisis precipitated by poverty, disease, and coerced birth control, including some(prenominal) legal and illegal abortions. She believes that bla


spontaneous abortion has remained an extremely inexpensive operation. Unlike most other health check procedures, costs have remained low. An early outpatient operation at a clinic typically costs between $200 and $400. However, later-term abortions are to a greater extent expensive, and this expense is, in numerous respects, racially connected. One of the more important pieces of successful pro-life legislation is the Hyde Amendment, a chronicle which restricts the use, in most states, of federal Medicaid funding for abortions. For black women, many of whom are lower income and heavily dependent on Medicaid support, these restrictions have forced them to fund the procedure out of their own pockets.
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summit even a few hundred dollars extra on a minimum-wage salary is sometimes an impossible financial burden. Yet the societal costs of unplanned pregnancies carried to term are a great deal much greater than the price of an early-term abortion would have been.

Murray, V. M. (1995, March). An bionomical analysis of pregnancy resolution decisions among African American and Latino adolescent females. Youth and Society, 26(3), 325-350.

Of course, legal rights do not sanction access, and one of the most striking successes of the pro-life movement's supporters has been to limit the approachability of abortion, even as they have been unable to repeal its legalization. spontaneous abortion clinics are rare outside most major urban areas. More than 85 percent of all counties in the United States do not have abortion facilities of any considerate within their boundaries (Dillon, 1995, p. 118). Providers are also rare: few health check facilities offer abortion training as part of their abidance programs, and most doctors receive their degrees without ever having studied the procedure, even in textbooks.

The typical patient at an abortion clinic continues to be a young white woman, a representative of the white bulk that finds the procedure to be an unpleasant but sometimes essential choice when planning (or forgetting
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